"And there's the rub, as dear Hamlet would say. By claiming we can
solve the problem of climate change painlessly, environmentalists
confuse us. They offer stark and rigorous presentations terrifying us
about the near-term, dire consequences of global warming. And then
they offer generalized, almost blithe assurances about how we can
avoid these dire consequences without great sacrifice."
"Indeed, the "take action" section of Al Gore's website,
www.climatecrisis.net recommends the following steps. Put on a
sweater. Use more efficient light bulbs. Turn the thermostat down 2
degrees. Drive less.
"I'm sure Al Gore knows that even if millions of individuals were to
adopt such actions, the pace of ecological disaster would not slow one
whit."
From: Rachel's Democracy & Health News #889, Jan. 11, 2007
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WHAT AL GORE HASN'T TOLD YOU ABOUT GLOBAL WARMING
By David Morris
Al Gore is our generation's Paul Revere. Riding hard through the
country, he warns us of the impending arrival of climatic disaster.
He's proven an astonishingly effective messenger. An Inconvenient
Truth may receive an Oscar for Best Documentary. Overflow crowds greet
his presentations with standing ovations.
Which, come to think of it, is odd. When has someone ever delivered
such an ominous message to such tumultuous applause? (Aside from those
who insist we are in the end times and the rapture is near.)
In a recent speech to a standing-room-only audience at the New York
University School of Law, Gore declared, "We are moving closer to
several 'tipping points' that could -- within as little as 10 years --
make it impossible for us to avoid irretrievable damage to the
planet's habitability for human civilization." The audience cheered
wildly. Presumably audiences are not cheered by the prospect of
imminent catastrophe. So what is going on here?
British journalist George Monbiot, author of Heat: How to Stop the
Planet from Burning (Doubleday, 2006) has a theory.
"We wish our governments to pretend to act," he writes. "We get the
moral satisfaction of saying what we know to be right, without the
discomfort of doing it. My fear is that the political parties in most
rich nations have already recognized this. They know that we want
tough targets, but that we also want those targets to be missed. They
know that we will grumble about their failure to curb climate change,
but that we will not take to the streets. They know that nobody ever
rioted for austerity."
Austerity? Hold on. Al Gore and the rest of the U.S. environmental
movement never utter the word "austerity." Their word of choice is
"opportunity." The prospect of global warming, they maintain, can
serve as a much-needed catalyst to spur us to action. A large dose of
political will may be required, but we need not anticipate economic
pain. We can stop global warming in its tracks, expand our economy and
improve our quality of life. We can, in other words, do good and do
quite well. A leading environmentalist, for whom I have a great deal
of admiration, summed up his position to an interviewer, "I can't
stand it when people say, 'Taking action on climate change is going to
be extremely difficult.'"
And there's the rub, as dear Hamlet would say. By claiming we can
solve the problem of climate change painlessly, environmentalists
confuse us. They offer stark and rigorous presentations terrifying us
about the near-term, dire consequences of global warming. And then
they offer generalized, almost blithe assurances about how we can
avoid these dire consequences without great sacrifice. We are
horrified and soothed at the same time. It's a dangerous strategy.
Many who focus on the catastrophic present-day images of An
Inconvenient Truth believe we have gone beyond the point of no return,
which leads to cynicism and passivity. Those who are spurred to action
believe that buying a hybrid car or taking an eco-vacation will
address the problem.
Indeed, the "take action" section of Al Gore's website,
www.climatecrisis.net recommends the following steps. Put on a
sweater. Use more efficient light bulbs. Turn the thermostat down 2
degrees. Drive less.
I'm sure Al Gore knows that even if millions of individuals were to
adopt such actions, the pace of ecological disaster would not slow one
whit. I presume he views these actions as a way for us to demonstrate
our willingness accept responsibility for our consumption habits. The
next, and far more important, step is to persuade us to work
collectively and aggressively for bold new policies. A recent letter
from Al Gore, emailed from MoveOn.org asked us to do just that by
signing a petition to push Congress to action.
Gore declared, "I'm ready to push for real solutions, but I need your
help ..." The email offered no policy solutions. Nor does Al Gore's
web site or speeches, except for his recommendation that America
immediately freeze its greenhouse gas emissions and then reduce them.
George Monbiot, a reporter for the British newspaper, Guardian takes
up where Al Gore and many others leave off. Heat is a remarkable book.
For it is not written to convince the unconvinced of global warming,
but to educate the already-persuaded, those who exited the theater
after watching An Inconvenient Truth with fire in their bellies, ready
to fight the incoming menace about what must be done, and ready to
face the significant sacrifices that will have to be made along the
way.
Monbiot's assumptions differ only modestly from those of Al Gore. Both
believe the window of opportunity is short, and closing. Both believe
we must immediately freeze greenhouse gas emissions and then reduce
them by up to 60 percent below current levels by about 2030. (Gore may
use the 2050 time frame). Monbiot recommends more rapid reductions
than others, but he argues persuasively that an ounce of reduction in
the early years can avoid the need for a pound of reduction in the
later years.
A key contribution by Monbiot is that he addresses the question Al
Gore asks, but doesn't answer. "(W)hat would a responsible approach to
the climate crisis look like if we had one in America?" Monbiot asks
the question of his home country, United Kingdom.
Monbiot launches his investigation by asking a crucial question rarely
discussed by Al Gore and other U.S. environmentalists: How does the
responsibility of the world's largest polluters differ from that of
the rest of the world? The average American generates more than 10
times the greenhouse gas emissions as does the average Chinese, and
perhaps 30 times more than the average citizen of Bangladesh. (The
gluttony of the average citizen of the UK is not far below that of the
average American).
When Al Gore says he wants to free emissions, presumably he's talking
about planetary emissions, not U.S. emissions. Otherwise, he's asking
humanity to freeze the current stark disparity in resource use in
place. That's politically impossible and morally disagreeable. Since
the U.S. and UK generate a disproportionate amount of global
greenhouse gases, a responsible approach presumably would require them
to disproportionately reduce their emissions.
Monbiot argues for a global carbon emissions cap allocated on a per
capita basis. Since all of humanity shares the biosphere, which has
only a limited absorptive and cleansing capacity and all humans are
created equal, then each should have equal use of that capacity.
The implications of biospheric equity are so profound and so
disturbing, that it is understandable why American environmentalists
shy away from discussing the issue. Currently, global carbon emissions
are about 7 billion tons, roughly, 1 ton per person. But the average
American generates, directly and indirectly, some 10 tons per capita.
Thus, to save the planet and cleanse our resource sins, Americans must
go far beyond freezing greenhouse gas emissions. As a nation, we must
reduce them by more than 90 percent, taking into account the sharp
reductions in existing global emissions necessary to stabilize the
world's climate.
Suddenly we realize that addressing the global warming problem will be
very difficult, not only politically but economically and
institutionally. And it may well entail significant sacrifice.
Consider the following: California has received much well-deserved
praise for enacting legislation that establishes a statewide carbon
cap for 2020 equal to the state's 1990 emission level. Achieving this
goal would mean reducing current emissions by about 13 percent.
Another 80 percent reduction will be necessary if California is to
achieve its fair share of the global emissions reductions necessary to
stabilize climate change.
Monbiot recommends the per-capita carbon budgets be allocated
nationally. Nations would decide how to parcel out these allocations.
Ideally, these could be passed through to individuals. But Monbiot
notes the administrative costs involved in having people spend their
carbon allowances on tens of thousands of products and services, each
one denominated in carbon credits as well as currency. To simplify the
process, he recommends a strategy developed by two of his compatriots,
Mayer Hillman and David Fleming. They argue that since 40 percent of
the UK's carbon emissions result from the use of fuels and electricity
and it is relatively simple to develop a method by which individuals
pay for these energy sources with carbon credits, 40 percent of the
nation's carbon allocations should be passed through to individuals.
The remaining 60 percent would belong to the government, which might
auction them off to generate revenue.
The bulk of Heat is an exhaustive sector-by-sector, hardheaded
examination of the near-term technical and economic capacity for
wealthy, industrialized nations to achieve the necessary reductions.
The examination relies on an immense volume of technical studies and
primary research. Monbiot concludes that the UK can indeed achieve
sufficient reductions within the time frame, but just barely, and at a
high cost.
Although none of the reductions will be easily achieved, Monbiot's
analysis concludes that those related to transportation may be the
hardest of all. To reduce ground transportation emissions
sufficiently, he suggests the need to severely lessen individual
shopping trips. To accomplish this, he proposes that goods be
delivered. He cites a UK Department of Transportation study that
notes, "a number of modeling exercises and other surveys suggest that
the substitution of private cars by delivery vehicles could reduce
traffic by 70 percent or more." Every van the stores dispatch, in
other words, takes three cars off the road. Monbiot also proposes to
transform out of town superstores into warehouses, to be visited only
by vehicles that pick up supplies. That will save even more energy,
because warehouses use only 35 percent as much heat and 29 percent as
much electricity as do stores.
In only one sector does Monbiot fail to identify a technical solution
at any cost: air travel. Flying generates about the same volume of
greenhouse gases per passenger mile as a car. But, of course, flights
are many miles longer than drives. Fly from New York to California and
back and you will generate as much greenhouse gas emissions as you
will by driving your Prius all year.
Monbiot reluctantly concludes, "(T)here is simply no way of tackling
this issue other than reducing the number, length and speed of the
journeys we make." Knowing the audience for whom the book is intended,
he acerbically adds, this will mean the end of "shopping trips to New
York, political meetings in Porto Alegre, long distance vacations."
He urges his readers "to remember that these privations affect a tiny
proportion of the world's people. The reason they seem so harsh is
that this tiny proportion almost certainly includes you."
Monbiot sums up his findings, "I have sought to demonstrate that the
necessary reduction in carbon emissions is -- if difficult --
technically and economically possible. I have not demonstrated that it
is politically possible."
Is it politically possible? The last paragraph of Heat is not hopeful.
"(T)he campaign against climate change is an odd one. Unlike almost
all the public protests which have preceded it, it is a campaign not
for abundance but for austerity. It is a campaign not for more freedom
but for less. Strangest of all, it is a campaign not just against
other people, but also against ourselves."
Which may be why we hear so much talk about the problem but so little
talk about sacrifice.
For those who favor aggressively expanding renewable energy,
dramatically improving efficiency and abandoning our dependence on
imported oil, but remain unconvinced about the timing and severity of
climate change, the disconnect between rhetoric and reality doesn't
matter. They can view the threat of global warming as a means to an
end, a rhetorical device to stimulate people and governments to
aggressively embrace these objectives. If we do get 25 percent of our
expanded energy consumption from renewables by 2025, they will be
satisfied. Indeed, they will be ecstatic.
But for those who truly believe that widespread and perhaps
irreversible ecological disaster is imminent, for those who believe we
have only a 10-year window of opportunity before disaster becomes
inevitable, expanding renewable energy and improving efficiency is not
sufficient unless it is done at a scale and on a pace that
dramatically reduces global carbon emissions by 2030, with emissions
by nations like the United States and United Kingdom being reduced by
upwards of 90 percent.
By not sugar coating the means, Heat provides an important public
service. By clearly presenting his data, Monbiot lets us decide where
we agree and where we disagree. He invites a conversation. I look
forward to it. And I hope to soon see a U.S. environmentalist take up
the Monbiot challenge and put together an equally thorough and
rigorous examination of our own ability to tackle global warming.
David Morris is co-founder and vice president of the Institute for
Local Self Reliance in Minneapolis, Minnnesota and director of its
New Rules project.
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Rachel's Democracy & Health News (formerly Rachel's Environment &
Health News) highlights the connections between issues that are
often considered separately or not at all.
The natural world is deteriorating and human health is declining
because those who make the important decisions aren't the ones who
bear the brunt. Our purpose is to connect the dots between human
health, the destruction of nature, the decline of community, the
rise of economic insecurity and inequalities, growing stress among
workers and families, and the crippling legacies of patriarchy,
intolerance, and racial injustice that allow us to be divided and
therefore ruled by the few.
In a democracy, there are no more fundamental questions than, "Who
gets to decide?" And, "How do the few control the many, and what
might be done about it?"
As you come across stories that might help people connect the dots,
please Email them to us at dhn@rachel.org.
Rachel's Democracy & Health News is published as often as
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subject.
Editors:
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